Less staff, even less trust: Some states say they can't rely on Trump's DHS for election security

As staff dwindles, states worry about Trump’s DHS election security

As the United States approaches another pivotal election season, several state officials have expressed growing unease about the capacity and reliability of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), particularly in light of diminished staffing and lingering distrust rooted in policies from the Trump administration. While DHS remains a key federal agency tasked with assisting states in safeguarding elections from both domestic and foreign threats, its perceived credibility and operational strength have come under scrutiny.

In recent months, several state election officials have expressed concerns about depending on DHS’s cybersecurity and infrastructure protection branches. These worries arise from both organizational changes made during the prior administration and persistent resource constraints. Their concerns emphasize a larger problem within America’s fragmented electoral framework: the cooperation between state and federal bodies to safeguard a core element of democracy.

During the time when Donald Trump was President, there were often disputes between the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and state election officials. Although the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) was established in 2018 as a part of DHS to help safeguard essential infrastructures like election systems, Trump’s comments about the validity of elections often opposed CISA’s public declarations.

Following the 2020 election, representatives from CISA declared that the election process was secure and that there was no indication of significant fraud. This statement directly opposed Trump’s allegations of election wrongdoing, resulting in the termination of CISA Director Christopher Krebs. His removal surprised many in the cybersecurity community and public officials. This event signified a shift in how certain state authorities viewed the impartiality and dependability of DHS.

Now, even with new leadership in place, the agency faces lingering skepticism, especially among those who believe that its independence may have been compromised under political pressure. As a result, certain states are hesitant to fully rely on DHS for election-related support, despite growing cyber threats targeting voter databases, election infrastructure, and public trust.

Compounding the trust issue is a decline in staffing across key divisions within DHS that provide cybersecurity assistance to state and local governments. According to internal assessments and public reporting, many cybersecurity roles remain vacant, slowing the agency’s ability to offer timely support or deploy resources during critical election periods.

For example, election officials in several states report delays in receiving DHS vulnerability assessments or intelligence briefings. These services—once seen as essential tools in preparing for cyberattacks or disinformation campaigns—have become harder to access due to limited personnel and strained coordination between federal and state actors.

In some cases, states have turned to private cybersecurity firms or established independent teams to compensate for the perceived shortfall in federal support. While these measures can provide valuable protection, they may also lead to inconsistent standards and fragmented security protocols across jurisdictions.

In response to their concerns, state election officials have sought to bolster in-house cybersecurity capabilities and forge partnerships with more trusted federal or non-governmental entities. Several states have expanded their own election security offices, hired dedicated information security officers, and increased investments in staff training and technological upgrades.

Additionally, certain state secretaries have sought to work alongside the National Guard’s cybersecurity teams or academic bodies with knowledge in maintaining election security. These approaches enable states to maintain more direct oversight of their systems while still leveraging outside expertise.

Even with this change, numerous states recognize that DHS still possesses useful assets, especially in areas such as threat intelligence, vulnerability assessments, and collaboration with intelligence organizations. The difficulty is in reestablishing a cooperative relationship that allows these resources to be both reliable and efficient.

Since the transition to the Biden administration, CISA has made visible efforts to restore its standing as a nonpartisan protector of election security. Under new leadership, the agency has launched outreach initiatives aimed at reassuring state officials of its commitment to transparency and neutrality. These include regular threat briefings, public webinars, and regional security summits tailored to the needs of local election administrators.

CISA has also emphasized the importance of its role as a “trusted partner,” offering free services such as risk assessments, intrusion detection tools, and best practices guides for election infrastructure protection. However, the lingering impact of prior controversies continues to affect how some states perceive and utilize these offerings.

To address these challenges, the agency is working to expand its staffing pipeline and improve interagency coordination, but rebuilding trust remains a long-term project. Election security officials note that consistency, clear communication, and political independence will be key to strengthening these partnerships moving forward.

As cyber threats linked to elections keep changing, the significance of a unified federal-state partnership becomes increasingly crucial. Systems at the state level are often targeted by ransomware attacks, phishing schemes, and foreign influence operations. In the absence of coordinated defense plans and shared information networks, the integrity of the nation’s electoral process might face growing risks.

Experts warn that fragmentation in the security landscape—where each state acts independently with little coordination—can create weak points that adversaries exploit. DHS, with its broad mandate and access to federal intelligence, remains a uniquely positioned agency to support a unified response.

However, this potential can only be achieved if state authorities have confidence in the agency’s intentions, skills, and professionalism. As one election official stated, “We can’t afford distrust when the stakes are so high—though we must be careful about whom we choose to trust.”

As the 2024 general election approaches, election officials at both state and local levels are finishing their cybersecurity plans and logistical arrangements. It’s still uncertain if DHS will be a key player in these plans in various states, particularly in those that are still dealing with issues related to staffing and previous political meddling.

Some lawmakers have called for additional funding to bolster both DHS and state election offices, recognizing that robust defense requires investment at all levels. Others advocate for legislative reforms to clarify the agency’s responsibilities and insulate its leadership from political pressure.

At the same time, CISA keeps collaborating with stakeholders, fine-tuning its communication strategies, and enhancing its assistance offerings to recover trust across all 50 states. The real challenge will be determining if these efforts lead to successful, reliable partnerships once the forthcoming major election period commences.

The history of previous disputes and current limitations in resources have led some states to doubt the dependability of the Department of Homeland Security in safeguarding elections. Although the agency is still a vital component in the wider cybersecurity field, restoring full confidence among state leaders hinges on being transparent, enhancing staffing, and showing a true dedication to impartial aid.

As voting becomes increasingly intricate and cyber threats more advanced, it is crucial for all levels of government to collaborate in a safe manner. Lacking this cooperation, weaknesses extend beyond just the technological sphere—they become systemic, undermining the core of democratic engagement.

By Roger W. Watson

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